Chinas urbanization has entered a period of deceleration,and there is limited room for improvement of urbanization in the future.In the context of mutual causality between urbanization and investment,it is of great significance to maintain a reasonable level of urbanization and investment rate.This paper establishes a theoretical model for urbanization rate and investment rate,selects panel data of 42 countries from 1980 to 2022,and introduces leverage ratio as a moderating variable to study the relationship between urbanization rate and investment rate.The results show that:(1)there is a significant inverted U-shaped relationship between urbanization rate and investment rate,which is more significant in aging countries.(2)Leverage ratio is a moderating variable that affects the inverted U-shaped relationship between urbanization rate and investment rate,which is significant in both low leverage and high leverage,as well as both government departments and non-financial corporations.Furthermore,it is proposed that the upper limit of Chinas urbanization rate should be around 80%,and the lower limit of investment rate should be around 20%.At the same time,we should exert the regulatory effect of leverage ratio,and promote a new type of urbanization centered around people.

As an important part of Chinese-style modernization,agricultural and rural modernization is the foundation and support for realizing the leap from a large agricultural country to a powerful agricultural country.By combing through the course of agricultural and rural modernization in major developed countries or regions such as Japan,South Korea,America and the European Union,it is found that different countries have made different choices of paths under their own natural endowments,institutional environments and even historical opportunities,and at the same time further reflecting regular features of agricultural and rural modernization,such as the asynchronous nature of phases,the equilibrium of urban and rural development,and the modernization of rural governance.From the perspective of international comparison,Chinas agricultural and rural modernization is a kind of common modernization of “a big country with small scale agricultural operations”,which faces the historical constraints of small farm economy and traditional village structure,but also shoulders the mission of building a strong socialist modernized country,and at the same time,needs to satisfy the essential requirement of realizing the common wealth of all people.Therefore,Chinas agricultural and rural modernization construction should not only follow general laws,but also be based on its own national and agricultural conditions,accurately grasp the temporal and spatial coordinates of agricultural and rural modernization,take the integration of urban and rural areas at the county level as the starting point,and explore the Chinese path of agricultural and rural modernization with the support of diversified governance in rural areas.

Medical security for poverty alleviation is one of the core missions in the development of Chinas medical security policy at the current stage.Based on the theory of risk,the government-led anti-poverty efforts effectively interrupt the causal interaction between health risks and economic risks,as well as the issues of economic poverty and its spillover effects through medical security.Chinas medical security for poverty alleviation has evolved from “initial exploration” to “standardized development” and then to “optimized transformation”,forming a three-level policy system focused on poverty alleviation through medical service,medical assistance,and medical insurance.The anti-poverty measures in healthcare have been continuously improved,with increasing efficiency and functions,and the functions of the medical insurance anti-poverty policy have been continuously enhanced.However,challenges remain in the transformation of the healthcare anti-poverty policy system,the optimization of institutional reforms,and the enhancement of policy functions.Currently,it is crucial to clarify the objectives of healthcare anti-poverty policies,improve the policy system,enhance the effectiveness of these policies,and promote the high-quality development of the healthcare anti-poverty system.

Adhering to and improving the overall planning of the urban and rural livelihood security system is an important part of the 13 systems proposed by the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,and the analysis of the level and influencing factors of peoples livelihood security construction is the key to an in-depth understanding of the function of Chinas livelihood security to promote social equity and share the fruits of development.Constructing an indicator system for measuring the level of peoples livelihood securiey,based on the panel data of 31 provinces in China from 2013 to 2022,and the entropy weight TOPSIS model,this paper uses three complementary research methods of Kernel density estimation and spatial measurement to comprehensively investigate the development trend of Chinas livelihood security level from a dynamic perspective,and identify and reveal the spatiotemporal evolution characteristics,spatial correlation and main influencing factors of Chinas livelihood security development level.The results show that:(1)the level of peoples livelihood security in China has shown a steady upward trend during the study period,but there are obvious regional differences.(2)From 2013 to 2022,there was a significant spatial correlation between the level of peoples livelihood security in China,with most provinces in the first and third quadrants,and the eastern region was significantly higher than that in the central and western regions.(3)From the regression results,GDP,the urbanization rate,local fiscal expenditure and industrial structure of the province will promote the development of the people s livelihood security level in the province,that is,the above four elements have a positive direct effect on the development of the peoples livelihood security level.(4)From the results of spatial effect decomposition,the influence of variables on the province is different from that on the neighboring provinces under the spatial economic geography matrix and the spatial adjacency matrix,and even the opposite situation occurs.As far as each variable is concerned,the degree of impact of each variable on the province,the provinces with similar spatial and economic geographical distances and neighboring provinces,and the whole country as a whole is also different.

The whole-process peoples democracy is the latest form and theoretical summary of Chinese-style democracy,and it is an innovative adherence to Marxist idea of peoples democracy.From the perspective of the development process of scientific socialism,the Paris Commune was the first attempt of the proletariat to establish a political power and implement a democratic system,and its specific measures showed a trend towards a government belonging to the people and being in power by the people,highlighting the value implication of “people”.The people-oriented logic transcends the logic of capital,which demarcates the true meaning of the people being the masters of the country for socialist democracy,and defines the core value of the whole-process peoples democracy.The masses of people are the subject of history.Giving full play to the peoples pioneering spirit,and realizing the peoples yearning for a better life point out the value driving force of the whole-process peoples democracy.The pursuit of human liberation,the free and comprehensive development of people,and the ultimate concern of free peoples association explicit the value of the whole-process peoples democracy.Tracing the original image of Marxist peoples democracy thought in The Civil War in France is conducive to providing theoretical guidance and value following for the development of the whole-process peoples democracy,and transforming the advantages of the “system + value” of the whole-process peoples democracy into the effectiveness of democratic governance.

The birth year of Empress Liu of Emperor Zhenzong has two accounts in the historical records of the Song Dynasty:the second year of the Kaibao and the fourth year of the Taiping Xingguo.Since the records state that Liu was “an orphan at birth”,by analyzing the death year of her father Liu Tong,and the year of Liu “entering the residence of Prince Xiang at the age of fifteen”,it is deduced that she was born in the latter half of the third year or the beginning of the fourth year of the Taiping Xingguo.She entered the residence of Prince Xiang in the fourth or fifth year of the Chunhua and was fifty-five or fifty-six years old at her death in the second year of the Mingdao,contrary to the sixty-five years recorded in Biography of Empress Concubine in the History of the Song Dynasty.The contradictions in the Song Dynasty official records regarding Empress Lius birth year may have arisen from attempts to cover up the fact that she had given birth when she was first married to Gong Mei.

In the Song Dynasty,the commodity economy was developed,military and political affairs were busy,and centralization was strengthened,all of which put forward faster requirements for travel speed.Due to different circumstances,the speed of official travel in the Song Dynasty varied greatly.In terms of daily mileage,it can be roughly divided into high speed above 400 miles,fast speed above 200 miles,common speed above 100 miles,and low speed below 100 miles.During the Song Dynasty,it was common for officials and civilians to travel hundreds of miles per day,regardless of water or land routes.The fastest daily land travel was over 700 miles,while the waterway travel was over 400 miles.There are also records in terms of travel speed that are difficult to surpass among the people,with some traveling 380 miles in the middle of the night and others traveling 300 miles during the day and night.Due to the development of science and technology,such as compasses and shipborne timekeepers,maritime navigation has significantly increased in speed compared to the Tang Dynasty.

The formation of the ruling policy of “defending against potential internal hazards while ignoring external threats”,the military and political strategy of “not being diligent and far sighted”,and the cultural trend of thought of “distinguishing between Huaxia and barbarians” in Northern Song Dynasty were closely related to the policy changes of the ruling class towards Yanyuns economic strategy.In the process of dealing with the surrounding ethnic relations and reshaping the order of China during the early Song Dynasty,the changes in the strategy of the Song Taizong Dynasty to the sixteen prefectures of Yanyun were the most prominent,from the expedience of making peace with the Liao to the strategic progress of “fighting”,from the northern expedition aimed at Youji to the political vision of “retaking at different times”;after the failure of the second northern expedition,the strategic retreat of “agreeing on the territory of Huarong and permanently stopping the war” replaced the previous active advancement of “directly targeting the enemys territory or military objectives,and completely destroying enemys camps or important military facilities”.Under the political explanation of “good soldiers,ominous weapons,and the sage had no choice but to use them”,the internal defense route of “defending against potential internal hazards while ignoring external threats” and “not being diligent and far sighted” was thus established.Emperor Zhenzong of Song Dynasty inherited this political line and frontier defense strategy,and eventually signed the Chanyuan Treaty with Liao Dynasty,and realized the idea of “negotiating the border of Huarong” with Liao Dynasty in the practical field.

From the early winter of the 31st year under the Kangxi reign in the Qing Dynasty(1692),Shao Changheng(1637—1704),a scholar from Wujin,served as an advisor for the Jiangsu Governor Song Luo(1634—1713)for about twelve years until his death.As a cultural advisor,in his later years Shao Changheng aspired to establish himself through writing and transmit his words to later generations,aiming to position himself as a man of letters.The life as an advisor weakened his autonomy in personality and increased his attachment to officialdom.Thus,he wrote many mediocre articles because of social obligations,which inevitably lowered the quality of his classical prose.However,these works,in which the “emotions emerge from words”.demonstrate his extraordinary literary cultivation and rhetorical ability,and effectively enhance the value of his other works,in which the “words emerge from emotions”. Thanks to the special circumstances of his life as an advisor,Shao Changheng became a leading figure among those "scholars who were from ordinary social class and were capable of literary composition” during the reigns of Shunzhi and Kangxi.At least in terms of reputation,Shao was on par with Hou Fangyu and Wei Xi,and has ascended the hall of Chinese literary history with great dignity.

In a way that fundamentally embodies the concept of national construction of the Communist Party of China,the Party Constitution has built a logical and complete normative chain and provided a full and effective institutional guarantee for Chinese modernization.The Party Constitution embodies the political vision of Chinese modernization by realizing the isomorphic co-development of the all-round human development and the path of modernization,expressing the value rationality of the Party leading the development of the country,and adhering to the concept of systematic and balanced development.The development principles and norms,socialist cultural construction norms,socialist ecological civilization construction norms and diplomatic norms in the Party Constitution echo the basic characteristics and essential requirements of Chinese modernization.Based on the relevant ideological contents,the Party Constitution mainly ensures that Chinese modernization is effectively promoted under the leadership of the Party,mainly through the leadership and guidance of the normative system and the shaping and influence of the governance system.

The development of the paradigm of the force about Party regulations in the academic circles has gone through the turn of the quadruple paradigm of the theory of indirect influence,the theory of constitutional logic,the theory of social systems, and the relationship between the Party and the government. No matter what approach is taken,it cant meet the needs of proof on the supply side of theory,or it is out of touch with the practice of Party regulations,or there are logical contradictions,or it is debatable in terms of proof,persuasiveness and scientific methodology.This paper summarizes and reflects on the advantages and disadvantages of different approaches,and argues that only from the local logic and self-orientation of the growth of Party regulations can a set of theoretical logic that meets the needs of the force of Party regulations outside the Party be constructed.

After the implementation of the tax-sharing system reform in our country,the project system has spread from the initial financial field to various aspects of the public sphere,becoming a “new national governance system” that mobilizes and organizes national and social resources.In this context,with the continuous promotion of deepening the integration of industry and education,the project system has also been introduced into the construction of industry-education consortium.The construction of industry-education consortium under project system governance is a gradual evolution process,mainly going through two basic stages:the foundation period and the development period.The operational mechanism includes four parts:resource embedding management,building action chains,multi-level organizational structures,and incentive pressure transmission.It continuously shapes and promotes the construction of industry-education consortium,achieving good results.The main manifestations are the diversification of industry-education consortium types,the promotion of local industry-education consortium construction,the enhancement of the important role of enterprises as educational entities,and the manifestation of vocational education type attributes.In order to better achieve the modernization of vocational education governance and improve the governance mechanism for the construction of industry-education consortium,it is necessary to accurately allocate and adjust projects,pay attention to the needs of multiple subjects,avoid project fragmentation,introduce third-party evaluation organizations,etc.,in order to continuously improve the efficiency of the construction of industry-education consortium.

The interactive feedback between vocational education and the labour market is of pivotal significance in clarifying the elements and paths of industry-education integration.This feedback mechanism reflects that the construction of vocational competence standards and certificate system is the key to promoting the in-depth development of industry-education integration.They not only accurately match industrial demand and educational supply,but also actively promote the sustainable development of industries through the effective transformation of educational achievements.In order to further deepen the integration of industry and education,we need to establish the core principle of learning-outcome orientation,expand the comprehensive understanding of vocational competence and construct a complete set of vocational competence development paths in the construction of vocational competence standards;create a vocational diploma that maps comprehensive vocational competence,construct a vocational competence certificate that is equal to the academic qualification certificate,and use vocational competence holders as a new engine to promote the development of industries in the construction of a vocational competence certificate system.By constructing a more scientific and systematic vocational competence standard system,as well as a more authoritative and effective certificate system,it is expected that the deep integration between vocational education and industry can be promoted more effectively,and the high-quality development of vocational education can be boosted.

The integration of industry and education is the key to enhancing the ability of vocational education,and it is also an important theme of vocational education reform and development in China in recent years.Compared with top-level design,the integration of industry and education in vocational education has encountered practical difficulties in implementation.As a typical policy of industry education integration,the implementation of enterprise practice policies for vocational education teachers involves multiple departments and entities of the industry and education system.Taking teacher enterprise practice policies as the research object and conducting case studies,it can be found that due to the dual constraints of hierarchical governance and multi-attribute governance mechanisms,vocational education teacher enterprise practice policies may exhibit distorted and symbolic execution.At its root,limited by the “segmented” system,teacher enterprise practice policies are prone to deviate from policy expectations during the implementation process,which is also a persistent problem to the integration of vocational education and industry.The key to solving this problem lies in leveraging the coordinating role of party committees at all levels,attempting to establish temporary leadership groups,through high-level promotion,re-bonding the highly differentiated “segmented” system in a short period of time,and assisting in improving the efficiency of the integration governance of vocational education and industry through funding guarantees,information exchange,and other means.